June 7th 2000 9-11 a.m.
Using the handle of regulation to revive the space for social justice
Guidelines: Challenges to feminist mobilisation of economic globalisation , strategies women have adopted to meet these challenges on local national , regional and international levels .assess impact of privatization policies, the WB, the IMF and WTO upon social programs and services, and to examine the effects of speculative finance and financial cries . Outline strategies for women's empowerment and struggles for change.
There is not much one can add to the enormous work that has been done on globalisation. Therefore what I will attempt to do, is to offer a few ways of looking at this phenomena which might give feminists the basis to think, unite and act.
My basic argument would be that we need to shift our attention from the broad term globalisation to the term regulation. I suggest that the current preoccupation, whether it is in the forums of the finance ministries of nations, or the international economic organisations, in which I include the Bretton Woods Institutions(BWI's) and WTO the issue is regulation, a paradigm or quantum shift from the message deregulate. The questions of disputation are: of what, how much, where, under whose control? The word regulation, the very anti thesis of liberalisation and free trade, has found its way back into legitimacy, due to the experience of the last 5-10 years of the global mantra, the formula that was being applied across the board, as the road to prosperity.
I would give examples of this rethink, this revival of interest in the modes of regulation, in the paper. Most of the details and references are in my Nita Barrow Memorial Lecture given at the University of West Indies, in Barbados in November 1999.
It is here, in the area of regulation that women, feminists can develop and put forward new ideas , whether of theoretical economics, or on institutions, including political institutions, -how they are assembled , under what rules and procedures they function, on international agencies including the WTO. I suggest that it is on this theme that women can design and plan their public action events. I suggest that there is a strategic advantage in moving away from the word, the term globalisation, a term that has lost its boundaries and therefore is too amorphous, to the term regulation as that is where the cookie crumbles
But I also suggest that the proposals have to be tethered in an ideological base, in a unity of purpose and philosophy, or analysis for the effort to be meaningful, and successful. This I suggest is feminism - a feminism which is a political ideology, derived from women's experience of life, endorsing that experience as different from men's experience and seeing that difference as valuable; a feminism which stands for social justice, which of course would mean eradication of poverty and related deprivations and inequality, - which in my opinion is a part of poverty.
I would support my case from three sources:
One, the global discourse on Globalisation as contained in what are called mainstream documents - World Development Reports of the World Bank, Articles and lectures by Stiglitz and Bhagwathi ,- leaders of opinion on World Trade matters - UNDP HDR's, a meeting of economists held at Geneva ,- at the UNCTAD in February 1999 on drafting a framework for economic development of the least developed countries of the world,- in the context of globalisation ,and issues raised at the WTO Seattle Summit. Details on this review and my inferences from it, are contained in the Nita Barrow lecture and so I may not have the time to go over it.
Two, the Experience of the Indian economy in relation to globalisation
Three, the responses of women's collectivities at the ground and pre-Beijing +5 level to these concerns.
In a review I made of the attitude, the ideas and information on globalisation for the Nita Barrow lecture, a striking aspect of the literature was that everyone in the system, be it the World Bank, an academic economist, or the NGOs; - everyone is nuancing globalization. By nuancing I mean drawing out subtleties or the details. Thus in the last five years the discourse has shifted from the 'Mantra' stage (that is sweeping statements about states and markets, and liberalization and reform). The voices have now shifted to qualification, to a concern with reforming the reform programme.
This transformation from rigidity to humility is of course due to the actual lived experience, but also due to new interventions in the discourse such as those from UNDP's Human Development Reports. This transformation also includes the effectiveness of groundswell movements such as the NGO movement, the inclusion of women in larger numbers than before in the various consultative and decision making processes at the local or international level. I suggest the invisible hand is at work from the notoriously invisible people of the world - the women.
The review of the global literature suggests:
First, the importance of deconstructing, decomposing the term globalisation. For example Jagdish Bhagwati breaks the concept down into capital, investment and labour (Bhagwati, 1999). However, in a sense Bhagwati left out the most important segment of globalization, the segment which has generated globalization, namely information technology. Interestingly, the UNDP Human Development Report for 1999 has a diagram which demonstrates that while much is being made of information technology and internet users, the space in the whole circle of the world occupied by the internet wallahs or internet folk is just a tiny segment. It is almost entirely located in the United States and Europe.
The issues that are being debated in the globalization discourse are:
* The role of government - is there a conflict between the concept of globalization and strong governments? What about our national boundaries?
* The role of "national" as opposed to global. What is the role of the national effort?
what is the space for national effort?
* Terminology and definition. That is whether the term development now needs to be replaced by the term transformation (Stiglitz, 1998) - transformation defined here as inclusive of political, socio, cultural and economic change (Jain, 1999). Was not the term "progress" a better measure than its replacement, the GDP? (Stiglitz, 1998). Measuring only material changes is insufficient. Whatever terminology or definition are used they must be capable of measuring other variables.
This is what I call 'nuancing'. Each thinker, writer, actor is putting a 'comma', so to speak, around these themes of globalization and sustainable development. Each is looking for the detail and re-reading the small print (Jain, 1999) rather than emphasizing the big words. Within this nuancing of the globalization and development landscape, one can also notice some movement towards a similarity of opinion, if not a consensus.
Regulation is a prescription around which there is convergence. Regulation of financial institutions, regulation of labour movement, and the regulation of trade regimes within countries and between countries. Thus from an earlier call to deregulate and liberalize, there is now a shift to regulate. This is often rephrased as governance or management.
Whether it is for people's participation or for efficiency, or that popular word good governance, regulation was required. The proposals ranged from a new international financial institution all the way to the muting of certain global players such as the World Bank and the IMF as not being accountable, and the upscaling of "International" institutions like the WTO, MNCs. (Bhagwati, 1999) Naturally the greatest attention was paid to regulating financial institutions, - local and global - leading to new ideas for International Financial architecture.
Similarly at a meeting of economists called by the UNCTAD (Ref February 1999) the economists drawn from the usual citadels of Academy - MIT, Harvard, Oxford, Cambridge, World Bank, IMF, OECD and so forth - designed a process built on certain premises. Basically they were revisiting old ideas such as regulated trade, sovereignty of the country. The premises were
* That no hard and fast attitude should be taken about protection - that infant industry protection if necessary had to be used.
* that the national economy had to be strengthened almost as a precondition to entry,( implying time bound restrictions to liberalisation)
* that the design of development had to be suited to the countries political, economic and social situations so there would be no universal formula, .
* that the entry had to be gradual,
This advice emerged out of their analysis of the different countries who had already globalised such as Brazil, Mexico, East Asia, Eastern Europe, and had serious crisis which had in their wake also dragged down the rich and prosperous. The spectre of instability, with the added lightning speed of communicating viruses, had brought in circumspection and a preference for a muted journey to that free economic world.
The asymmetrical application of globalisation principles - capital to be freely moved around but labour to be restricted. Subsidies for agriculture in the USA and Europe permitted, lout not in LDC's, dumping laws being imposed but not considered as, protectionist, but quota system is considered protectionist etc.
Inequity, asymmetry of labour is also seen as an obstacle to the validation of free trade theory - of comparative advantage maximising of resource, output, profit, and efficiency, justifying a "global" economy.
The equity issue for example for Bhagwati is around labour migration. Capital movements are supported, on the theory of comparative advantage: but labour is restricted by the rich countries, to their advantage. Bhagwati proposes a World Migration Organisation which enables labour to flow as freely as capitals but also offers a regulatory body to ensure that labour to flow as freely as capitals but also offers a regulatory body to ensure that labour is protected.
The Indian experience:
The Indian state adopted what in the days of 50 s and 60s could be called a planned economy, but since it did not go fully socialist, it called itself a mixed economy. Certain sectors were given over to the state, heavy industry, state services and there was a term commanding heights of what could be the lead sectors. While over the decades the Indian experiment in self reliant development, has been assailed for its failure on all counts. - eradicating poverty, neglect of key promises in the constitution ,the directive principles of State Policy namely the right to universal elementary education primary health care etc deep discrimination against certain social sections, such as women and the dalits, (See Jain budget failures) perhaps over regulated , bureaucratic , corrupt and so on, what it did do was to develop the capacity to produce for itself a range of goods from food to aeroplanes and now Information Technology related goods, not to mention Nuclear Bombs. It was able to develop this scientific and technological capacity because of a policy of restriction over trade, and capital into the country, i.e. regulation .
Along with these economic approaches, also developed an intricate system of laws for the provision of social security, data collection and monitoring. India is perhaps one of the most evolved countries in the world, from the point of view of administration, even if it was over administered - but within a democratic political framework, a miraculous and perhaps unusual combination.
To day when the world is being pressurised to "open up" India has both the capacity to trade in a wide variety of goods and services, skills developed over decades. Thus the axiom to first strengthen an internal, indigenously developed capacity to manufacture, before opening it to the MNCs and global corporations is well proved in India. This internal strength has also enabled India to stand firm in international forums, where trade regimes are being negotiated North South, and India is one of the few countries on which economic sanctions, oil supply freezes etc does not work. (recent sanctions because of Nuclear explosion) Further when the East Asian flue was bringing down the economies of many countries, including Malaysia and Thailand in Asia, India was hardly affected. India had a withstanding capacity
Today that has changed, with India going full ahead with the So called reform process. The trouble about the reform process is that, while there is so much rethinking globally even at the home of the BWI s, viz. Stiglitz etc, the actual cards that are dealt the actual projects and related policies that are taken up, are as archaic as the world itself. They still seem to operate like those moronic robots, EXTERMINATOR, that goes on plodding ahead impervious of the new commands. Thus today India is moving into policies and projects, which carelessly erode into her own industrial and technical capacities, her programmes for absorbing labour in the hand industries, such as handloom weaving, dairying, even dry land farming for the coarse grains, the peasant farming mode and so many other such enabling mechanisms. On April 1st India opened up to free trade X no of commodities, threatening industries such as the cooperative dairy industry which provides employment to millions of women, with extinction if not erosion.
Similarly, the weakening of labour laws, the ordinances to prevent unionisation in some of the new industries or joint ventures, is a deep gash into the democratic processes, a part of India s history. These are only some of the few new interventions. I have not even mentioned the reduction in the percentage expenditures on basic amenities, or the privatisation of hospitals and public services. In a country like India where the poor and underprivileged, have remained relatively peaceful, because of the notion of a benevolent state - this can trigger off rage, leading to violence and uncontrollable crime.
In understanding the increase in violence against women, many elements have been pointed to as being perhaps the root causes of the phenomena. These could be listed as the increasing disparities, the increasing unemployment of those who were once employed, the extraordinary power of the advertising on the television, with the promotion of consumer goods, the scale of violence that is revealed in the media, the tensions created by the uncertainty in the economy which is felt through many pulses from the vagaries of the stock market to the threat to livelihood e.g. in handloom industry.
In the case of livelihoods, a dramatic illustration lies in our dairy industry and in agriculture, especially dry land farming. India has built up an extraordinary cooperative dairy industry making herself modern in dairy products including chocolates. The cooperative structure has enabled millions of women to be engaged in a regular economic activity. The lowering of trade barriers and the opening of dairy products and the relaxation of barriers to dairy imports will erode in to this employment shed.
At another level, the Indian trade union movement with all its faults is getting a knock. Most major private investors from abroad want to have no labour problems as they call it. Thus they insist on loosening labour laws and recently they have even revived the Contract Labour Law to further reduce the obligation of the contractor towards the contracted labour. For decades, the Indian women's movement which was allied to the workers movement fought for improving and strengthening the responsibility of the contractor to contract labour, since that was one of the weakest links of protection for what can be called casual labour in India. Thus to many of us it feels like a slide back. The situation is somewhat similar to the one described as impact of globalisation in a recent report 1999, produced by the UN Secretary General's office called Women 2000.
The UN has recently brought out its 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women in Development, Globalisation, Gender and Work in a report of the Secretary General of the UN in August 1999.21 The report finds that women's absorption into the waged labour force has been higher than that of males and that women have had greater mobility. For example women domestic workers from poor countries are providing opportunities for women from the richer countries, like the Middle East, to take on higher quality, salaried professional jobs by undertaking their reproductive work. There is a flip side. In work in the informal sector, there is no worker protection either in wage laws or job security, yet work in that sector is increasing and women are bunching there. Women are working out of homes in the West. This may be an advantage in terms of not having a double burden and two shifts, (work in the office or factory and then come home to work in the kitchen) - but manage both in the same "work place". The flip side of this "advantage" is of course that there is further perpetuation of the stereotype and isolation from the formal organisation. The report goes section by section giving what is happening to women because of globalization-seeing women basically as objects, as the pawns of globalization. Accordingly women are sometimes up and sometimes down, but it looks like mostly up.
In a sense this 1999 UN World Survey on Women provides support to the analysis that the current preoccupation with impact, with monitoring according to the UN framework and its structures (including its counterparts in the nations), is to put it mildly, the less creative role. It objectifies women. It does not give us agency. It does not ask, what have women done? What do women think on this subject?
It is obvious that the opportunities offered are extremely segmented by class. What is particularly unfortunate in India is the fact that 50 years of developing some kind of protective shell of independence has been cracked. India was also known for having less than 2 % of its GDP from foreign aid. At one time even 0.5 %. Thus giving her an edge of autonomy. Today India has reached a point of indebtedness that might even make her enter the debt trap and get into the basket of countries who are in the debt trap. The Western countries are extremely interested in India because of her enormous purchasing power or what can be called market. What with a democratic political regime and millions of consumers, the European and American business sees India as a next field after China to offload their goods. Unlike China, India has not protected herself with a regulatory system which can resist and open according to a carefully designed policy of self survival. The democratic regime has perhaps made India more vulnerable in this particular direction.
It does not need a sixth sense to see that Indian society is cracking, losing social control or control over self, breaking away from the tradition of tolerance and moderation to panicky violent reactions. Indian society has survived partly because of her slow evolutionary process, what used to be called 'muddling' through rather than charging ahead. Recently the reform process has been giving what can be called shocks to the system and in some sense, shelling spaces in the political economy for what can be called the new horizons. Such shocks tend to lead to break downs and this kind of edginess that can be felt in Indian society today is perhaps one of the reasons why there is such an increase in violence against women., not the structure of the family.
Where does Regulation come into all this?
There are many who believe that when India went into her first deal with IMF/World Bank in 1991-92, she did not consider sufficiently the kind of national structure of regulations that could have yielded her the benefits of globalisation without letting globalisation encroach on her areas of strength. And national development policy with national clear frameworks of economic management for each sector which safeguards the country's sovereignty and political economic strength has to be first put on the ground before the doors are opened. This is one of the lessons one learns from India that even a country which today shows a rate of growth of 6 to 7 % and is considered one of the most industrialised countries of the world, can buckle down if the system by which the entry of international capital and trade liberalisation is not managed. Right now the Indian rupee is sliding down in relation to the US $.
Many valuable responses are developing in India. By and large the attention is moving from development as a funded activity to the area of law and political reform -once more into the area of REGULATION.
Women's Response: At the Beijing +5 task force meetings that were held in India prior to this meeting, women from the grassroots described the stress they were experiencing due to globalisation in the following terms.
A woman in an urban slum experienced more violence and attributed it to the disengagement of her husband from work in a factory. The factory had closed because the goods it was producing was no more saleable due to the import of similar goods.
Women from another part of the country were suffering mass suicides by their men. These were men who were handloom weavers, who found that their export orders, based on certain prices, and produced against credit advances could not be met as yarn prices had gone up due to export of yarn. They were cornered. They saw no option than to kill themselves. They were cornered. And so the stories go on from sale of children to uncontrolled rage which not only might lead to suicide but also leads to knee-jerk, gun toting violence for the smallest threat.
Those who are working with the workers in the informal economy, known internationally as WIEGO are working on getting the labour laws, the social security provisions for this labour, especially its women, into a stronger legal provision, while strengthening the organised collective strength of the workers (seminar on Social security 2000 Delhi) They are working both nationally and internationally, with the ILO and lobbying everywhere. They are doing similar work with the Street Vendors.
Those who are struggling against the massive destruction of the natural resources, and the peoples life styles along with it as expressed in the Struggle against the Narmada Dam (Jain SOEUL paper 1999) , are also using the law, strengthened by technically competent counter facts, to the States argument, as well as mass based organisations to use the instrument of PUBLIC ACTION and building up public opinion, through knowledge on the side of Justice. The struggle in India is led by a woman, Medha Patkar, who is also working with the National alliance of Peoples movements, to broad base the resistance, and evolve new alternative development programmes.
There is a visible and effective movement called Right to information, also spear headed by a woman, Aruna Roy ( not Arundhati Roy, the brilliant novelist, who has given her full support to the NBA), This is also addressing law, REGULATION , and several States are taking up the Right to Information Bills and Acts to open up government and the private agencies including the NGOs to public scrutiny.
At another level, the women in the local government councils., about a million in India to day, elected through a multi party political system every 5 years, ( see Jain UNDP women in Governance )to these local government bodies, through an amendment to the constitution which gives them a quota of one third of the seats in the council - are a factor who are building up to be a strong voice for a just government . They are still scattered and often marginalised , but their experience of marginalisation, and patriarchy has begun to turn them around to a potential new social and political force for equitable and innovative political economy ( Kerala conference ---International conference on democratic decentralisation Kerala May 23-28th 2000, Jain and Sujaya ---etc refs)
Their quest is for a change in the electoral system, in the procedures for selection of candidates, in the provisions in the constitution. They are also enabling themselves by wishing to learn about budget making as it is being done today, and then the capacity to write other budgets, which would serve their collective interests. In many parts of India they have innovated ways of developing a livelihood protection strategy, as well as a natural resource protection strategy, through these legal political entities of local self government called Panchayati Raj, in India .
These are only a very few of the immense number of initiatives in India in the field of society , law and politics , with which Indian women are trying to deal with the assault of New Economic Policy or Reform as it is called.
Therefore What for the larger feminist movement?
I think there is scope for broadening the cracks in the system by paying attention to the need for regulation, i.e. laws, political and administrative systems, the building of public opinion , and most of all broadening the basis of the international alliances on a feminist platform. This is missing .
I will give some examples of missed opportunity to illustrate what I mean :
At the WTO Conference and Summit in Seattle, India was one of those 'naughty' countries in the eyes of the United States because she is always putting forward resistance to some of their internationalisation or globalisation of trade regimes. India and 11 other DCS countries were insisting that there should be a discussion on implementation of the WTO on the grounds (which in my view is a feminist argument), that the problems that our countries are having in implementation points to changes required in the very principles, i.e. in the rules set up for WTO. The United States was saying that now we cannot redo the rules because these have been agreed upon. Some countries like Japan or Europe are standing in between and saying, "OK, let us take implementation in different bundles and handle it". But the feminist point, that practice teaches theory ,and it is only when you put an idea on the ground that you know what is wrong with it, or what is right with it, is the argument of the India-led 11 countries. (India for a more equitable broad-based globalisation, Press Trust of India, The Hindu 30 October 1999;.WTO witnesses India, US Showdown, by Devarakonda Ravi Kanth, Deccan Herald, 30 October 1999.)
It is, these countries argue, at the implementation stage that the rules become asymmetrical, as brought out clearly for example in Anti Dumping Laws that the United States is using at every point to prevent imports from developing countries, the intellectual property rights implementation programme and so forth. 11 countries only of the developing world have allied around India. Imagine, if the world wide women's movement, which has also got a programme "working with WTO network" and also the move called "global action against WTO", could provide support to these leverages of India and broaden that space, snowball it rather than showcase it? It could be a turning point in rolling back dominance, but we are not using such leverages.
The UN Secretary General's in his statement for the MilleniumSummit to be held in Washington in September, has given a call that poverty has to be eradicated and that eradicating poverty is basically a matter of good governance. Perhaps he means a more pro poor set of regulations which will make the entry of the rapacious market driven economic impulses adjust themselves to the needs of the poor and for inequity. However the word governance troubles the progressive movements in the developing countries. It has a genesis in our minds of the World Bank, which talked of good governance as managerial efficiency. And often thrust what can be called theoretical competitive economics which suggest that profit is a signal of efficiency, on to the bodies of the developing countries - ruining many of the countries particularly in Latin America and Africa. It is important to reflect on the terminology and perhaps move away from the notion of governance and management to transformation to better quality of representation, to a new politics, to ideologies which deal with injustices exclusion, discrimination, New policies, by new leaders who represent, as well as break down old menarche's can move out poverty (see DJ UNDP New York 1997. "This thing called poverty")
The redefining of governance from feminist experience, and changing the focus then from market determined efficiency , to the efficiency of a just and equitable society can be a response.
Another initiative could be to move away from taking a report card approach to the measuring of performance , like PFA monitoring , take a platform of ideas and practices emerging from large scale women's actions in the world and let it teach, speak to the UN and the BWI's towards a revised reconstructed agenda.
This could mean redesigning the participation in the discussions on a new financial architecture. It could mean separating the various groups that protested against WTO both in Seattle and in Washington, and making selective partners for the overall feminist thrust of justice, social justice, social peace and a just development
We could begin to pay much more attention to the quality of representation.
Many women in India's grass roots politics who have come through the quota, perceive themselves as representing the area and not necessarily women. While this attitude is legitimate, it also invites criticism as whether it is women, dalits or backward caste, reservation is supposed to enhance the representation of that particular group be it women, dalit, backward caste or minorities. If the representative or the person who takes that "ticket", does not necessarily identify themselves with that particular social category, it is perceived to be "unrepresentative". The question of politics based on "identity", its positives and negatives is debated in several layers of political discourse and this experience of local women politicians needs to be taken note of in the discourse. We need new yardsticks to measure performance. (Revathi Narayanan, Mahila Samakhya).
Where women have found that they are able to assert their voice whether it is a voice for an issue or for woman kind, analysis reveals that this is either due to the effective availability and access to support structures such as proximate women's organisations, proximate women's awareness programmes or sustained interaction with training orientation programmes. (Mahila Samakhya, SEARCH, ISST) where they operate in isolation, they are truly alone. Thus the cushioning of the elected person whether it is dalit, woman or minority - by support structures derived from the same social categories, seems to be an enabling necessity.
Further broadening this point, it also seems that for the voices of these groups which have had historical discrimination to have what can be called the transforming impact namely to redress or rearrange the hierarchies in politics, the hierarchies of power, backup is necessary from the broader social and political movements or struggles. Struggles which are fighting for the rights of dalits, or women or displaced persons or tribals - socio political struggles which attract the attention of the political leadership if they ally themselves with these group who are fighting for a voice of these groups within the local government structures can become more powerful. Therefore the pointer here is to an from alliance between these political personnel and the broader struggles of power of the historically subordinated groups.
In the process, if it could be agreed to find one pole, one unified ideological underpinning which unites, then the strength of building up women's voice and women's advise would be worthwhile.
In the preparations going upto World Conference it would also be useful - and empowering to NGOs - to consolidate, to draw together the ideas and experiences at the national and regional level of the women's movement independently of UN and other world mandates.
It would be useful to identify one or at most issues especially affecting the poor woman - around which the international women's movement rallies.
My idea is that we upturn the aims of a mobilisation to strengthen ourselves, to develop a "women's advice", to all the powers that be, also attempting a united woman's front around an issue or an ideology?
Second, document could be drawn up which would be called something like 'women's advise to global governance'. In other words, what is collectively women's advise to the issues of global governance, international arrangements for regulation of economics, reducing violence against women, etc. It could be women's advise for the millennium drawn from their experience.
It may be apt to quote the UN Human Rights Commissions special Rapporteur on the Right to Development.
The special Rapporteur on the Right to Development, UN HRC Dr. Arjun Sen Gupta (Ref. EPW Vol. XXXIV No. 41 October 9-15 1999)
"Can we build up a cause in our countries that can unite all the downtrodden and disaffected people suffering from specific grievances, economic and political deprivations and inequalities, as well as social and cultural injustices, around a concept of freedom, equity and justice? Let us not have a grand theory to explain all the problems of the economy and society. Nor do we need one general and overriding answer or approach of plan to solve all to solve all these problems. Specific situations need specific approaches. Each problem has to be solved in its own way. But there has to be one cause, which may unite all groups, and one platform on which all those who are deprived, downtrodden and vulnerable can combine to give expression to their anguish and fury. I submit that cause can again be the championing of human rights, the cause of freedom, justice and equity which every individual has the right to claim by virtue of his identity as a human being. And elaborating that cause, we have the new theory that propounds the principle, the right to development is a human right, where development means economic growth with freedom, equity and justice"
Entering the 21st Century World Development Report 1999/2000
2. The World Bank UNDP Human Development Report 1999, World Employment Report 1998-99,
3. International Labour Office Geneva, Population Food and Production and Nutrition in India UNFPA, October 1999,
4. India Development Report 1999-2000 - Kirit S. Parikh, Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, May 1999,
5. The 1999 World Survey on the Role of Women's Development Globalization, Gender and Work
6. Report on the UN Secretary General, "Globalization has a Human Face" Lecture by Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati Arthur Lehman Professor of Economics and Professor of Political Science, Columbia University, October 18, 1999.
7. "Globalization Has a Human Face", lecture by Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati Arthur Lehman Professor of Economics and Professor of Political Science, Columbia University October 18, 1999, India Habitat Centre, New Delhi
8. Towards a new paradigm for development: strategies, policies and processes by Joseph E. Stiglitz, 1998 Prebisch lecture at UNCTAD, Geneva
9. "Home Thoughts from Abroad": by Devaki Jain , University of West Ville, Durban, May 15, 1999.
10. Jain Devaki
a. "The Role of People's Movements in Economic and Social Transformation, Opening Thematic Plenary at the 1999 Seoul International Conference of NGO's October 10-16, 1999.
b. SADC Meeting, Botswana 19th June 1999.
c. Strengthening the South through NAM: The Opportunities Published in the Business
d. Role of Women in Decentralisation - C.P. Sujaya and Devaki Jain
e. Nuancing globalisation or Mainstreaming the downstream or Reforming Reform - Nita Barrow Memorial Lecture, University of West Indies, Barbados, November 1999
21 SADC Meeting, Botswana 19th June 1999.
22 Strengthening the South through NAM: The Opportunities Published in the Business